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DG - 1
CD - 463 494-2 - (p) 2001
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| Richard STRAUSS
(1864-1949) |
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| Friedenstag |
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75' 58" |
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| Opera
in one act (Libretto: Joseph Gregor) |
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| - 1.
"Hast was gesehn?" (Wachtmeister,
Schütze) |
3' 14" |
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"La rosa, ch'è un bel fiore" (Piemonteser,
Konstabel, Schütze, Musketier, Hornist,
Soldaten) |
5' 23" |
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"Hunger!" ... "Ich höre was" (Volksmenge,
Schütze, Konstabel, Wachtmeister,
Hornist, Musktier, Soldaten, Offizier) |
3' 17" |
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"Hunger - Brot!" ... "Hier ist des Kaisers
Boden" (Volksmenge, Kommandant,
Bürgermeister, Deputation, Prälat,
Soldaten) |
5' 15" |
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"Mein Kommandant!" ... "Rede!" (Frontoffizier,
Kommandant, Volksmenge, Deputation,
Frau) |
2' 48"
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"Es sei! Doch hört" (Kommandant,
Deputation, Volksmenge, Soldaten) |
4' 35" |
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"Zu Magdeburg in der Reiterschlacht" (Kommandant,
Wachtmeister, Konstabel, Schütze,
Musketier, Hornist, Soldaten) |
4' 57" |
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| - 8.
"Geht, geht alle!" (Kommandant) |
2' 02" |
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| - 9.
"Wie? Niemand hier?" (Maria) |
8' 36" |
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| - 10.
"Nein - Ieere Hoffnung alles!" (Maria,
Kommandant) |
2' 38" |
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"In einer Stunde verschwindet diese Stadt"
(Kommandant, Maria) |
3' 36" |
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"Der Kaiser stand im Saal" (Kommandant,
Maria) |
5' 33" |
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"Erwünschtes Zeichen!... Auf eure Posten!"
(Kommandant, Wachtmeister, Soldaten) |
1' 16" |
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| - 14.
"Nein, nicht Todesnebel" (Maria,
Wachtmeister, Konstabel, Schütze) |
2' 47" |
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| - 15.
"Der Feind, der Feind! Wo steht sein
Angriff?" (Kommandant, Wachtmeister,
Schütze, Maria, Offizier) |
1' 22" |
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| - 16.
"Das Zeichen, das Zeichen, das Ihr uns
verhießet" (Bürgermeister, Prälat,
Deputation, Soldaten, Kommandant) |
4' 09" |
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"Wo ist der Mann, des Krieges bester
Held?" (Holsteiner, Kommandant,
Volksmenge, Maria) |
3' 52" |
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| - 18.
"Geliebter, nicht das Schwert!" (Maria,
Volksmenge, Deputation, Soldaten,
Bürgermeister, Prälat) |
5' 21" |
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| - 19.
"Warum kämpften wir Jahre um Jahre?" (Kommandant,
Holsteiner, Maria, Volksmenge) |
2' 50" |
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| - 20.
"Wagt es zu denken" (Alle) |
2' 29" |
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| Albert DOHMEN, Kommandant
der belagerten Stadt |
STAATSOPERNCHOR
DRESDEN |
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| Deborah VOIGT, Maria,
seine Frau |
Matthias Brauer, Chorus
master |
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| Alfred REITER, Wachtmeister |
STAATSKAPELLE
DRESDEN |
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| Tom MARTINSEN, Schütze |
Giuseppe SINOPOLI |
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| Jochen KUPFER, Konstabel |
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| André ECKERT, Musketier |
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| Jürgen COMMICHAU,
Hornist |
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| Jochen
SCHMECKENBECHER, Offizier |
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| Matthias HENNEBERG,
Frontoffizier |
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| Johan BOTHA, Ein
Piemonteser |
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| Attila JUN, Der Hosteiner
/ Kommandant der Belagerungsarmee |
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| Jon VILLARS, Bürgermeister |
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| Sami LUTTINEN, Prälat |
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| Sabine BROHM, Frau
aus der Deputation |
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Die Deputation
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Norbert Klesse, Ekkehard Pansa,
Rafael Harnisch
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Soldaten, Volksmenge
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Luogo
e data di registrazione |
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Lukaskirche,
Dresden (Germania) - settembre
1999 |
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Registrazione:
live / studio |
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studio |
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Executive
Producer
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Ewald
Markl |
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Recording
Producers |
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Arend
Prohmann, Klaus Hiemann |
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Tonmeister
(Balance Engineer) |
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Klaus
Hiemann |
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Recording
Engineers |
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Jürgen
Bulgrin, Wolf-Dieter Karwatky |
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Editing |
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Oliver
Curdt |
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Prima Edizione
LP |
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Prima Edizione
CD |
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Deutsche
Grammophon | 463 494-2 | LC 0173
| 1 CD - 75' 58" | (p) 2001 |
DDD |
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Note |
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FRIEDENSTAG -
a noble, humanitarian idea
Friedenstag
is at once the last real
product of Strauss’s
collaboration with Stefan
Zweig and his first opera
written to a libretto by
Joseph Gregor, Zweig’s
designated successor. One of
the composer’s least performed
works, it remains
controversial both for its
genesis and for its message.
Although that message - or at
least what can be termed Friedenstag's
ideological stance - was
largely of Zweig’s devising,
the composer never seriously
contested it, however much he
may have fretted over the
opera’s lack of theatrical
qualities. His greatest
challenge lay in expressing
the message clearly in the
Third Reich, where propaganda
could take a work intended to
express the highest
humanitarian and liberal
ideals and proclaim it "the
first Nazi opera". Its failure
to sustain such a preposterous
claim is confirmed by Friedenstag's
tenuous hold on the German
repertory after 1938. Whether
Strauss truly created an
effective vehicle for Zweig’s
lofty ideas, however, is also
debatable, and the question
has only partly to do with his
music.
Friedenstag
was conceived during the
crisis in Strauss’s
relationship with the Third
Reich engendered by his
collaboration with Zweig, who
was Jewish, in the comic opera
Die schweigsame Frau.
This episode led Zweig to
sever all ties with Germany,
even to the point of
abandoning further proposed
collaborations with Strauss.
He did, however, remain
sufficiently friendly towards
the composer to keep some of
their intended projects alive,
albeit now with his close
friend, the writer and theatre
historian Joseph Gregor, as
librettist. Although the
operas that Strauss created
with Gregor comprise a
distinct chapter in his
career, Zweig’s shadow falls
over Friedenstag to
such an extent that Kenneth
Birkin has called it “the only
one of these operas which took
its form and dramatic
substance exclusively from
him".
The work originated in a
seemingly chance remark by the
composer in a letter of 2
February 1934, as he attempted
to renew the collaboration
with Zweig in the interval
between the completion and
première of Die
schweigsame Frau.
Strauss’s suggestion of “a
fine single-act festival
piece" on Henry III and the
“Peace of Constance" of 1043
arose from his reading of
Leopold Ziegler’s Das
heilige Reich der Deutschen.
The peace, or “Day of
Indulgence”, at which the
Salian Emperor Henry III
promised to forgive his
enemies and urged them to
behave similarly was one of
several such episodes in the
history of medieval kingship
and diplomacy and offered the
opportunity for a display of
usually temporary
rapprochement.
The idea
of reconciliation between
deadly opponents appealed to
the humanitarian and pacifist
side of Zweig, but at the back
of his mind were other
inspirations, notably
Velasquez’s Surrender of
Breda and Calderón’s
play on the same subject, Et
sitio de Bredá. A famous
episode in the Eighty Years
War between Spanish and Dutch,
the surrender of Breda to the
former in 1625, had been
marked by unaccustomed
clemency on the part of the
victors. In his first draft of
Friedenstag in late
1934, Zweig moved the
situation and the sentiments
forward to 1648 and the end of
the Thirty Years War,
sharpening the idea of
reconciliation by its new
associations with the
bloodiest conflict in German
history before the 20th
century. The subject became
the renunciation of hate
between rival commanders and
armies, between rival
religions (symbolizing
ideologies), between besiegers
and besieged. As a result, the
work was sometimes described
in its earliest stages as [24.
Oktober] 1648, "...the
last day of the Thirty Years
War in the citadel...", and Der
erste Friedenstag,
before the familiar title was
adopted in October 1935.
Nonetheless a civil war is a
two-edged symbol, almost as
much so as Henry III’s gesture
of Gleichschaltung. Friedenstag
could also be viewed as a
symbol for the “Burgfriede”
that descended on Germany
after the partisan strife of
the Weimar Republic, a
metaphor for the new Reich
that was just about
sustainable once Zweig was
replaced as librettist by
Gregor. Yet Zweig continued to
haunt the project to its
conclusion.
As early
as his first draft, Zweig
began backing out of the
collaboration, which also
embraced several other
projects, including the germ
of the idea that later grew
into Capriccio and an
opera based on Calderon’s Semiramis.
The first thing that Gregor
showed the composer was a
sketch for Semiramis,
which was criticized so
trenchantly by Strauss and (to
a lesser extent) Zweig that
the collaboration nearly
collapsed. That Gregor was for
long regarded as a mere
intermediary is evident from
Strauss’s insistence that
Zweig should vet subsequent
material. While the disaster
of Die schweigsame Frau
was moving to its climax in
Dresden, Strauss and Zweig met
in Austria to shape the new
collaboration with Gregor, who
visited Garmisch in order to
have several projects
considered. Strauss eventually
agreed to three, two of which
were Friedenstag and
the pastoral tragedy Daphne.
Here was the origin of an
association between these two
works that was particularly
important to Gregor and led to
their later joint première in
Dresden on 15 October 1938.
That the collaboration was to
begin with the one-act Friedenstag
seemed particularly
appropriate to Zweig on
practical grounds, suggesting
that he shared some of
Strauss’s misgivings about
Gregor’s tendency in his
verses towards the antiquated
and high-flown.
What
Gregor could not be charged
with was laziness. Having met
Strauss on 7 July, within a
fortnight he had a new draft
ready that included at least
one happy invention, the
episode of the Piedmontese
messenger that gave the
composer the chance of writing
Italianate pastiche as an
antidote to the harsh
sound-world already planned
forthe opera. Strauss
continued to criticize
Gregor’s poetic style
relentlessly, and the libretto
went through several versions
before the poet turned in
despair to Zweig in November
1935 to create the scene of
reconciliation between the
commanders of the rival
armies, the heart of the
original vision. By this time,
however, Strauss had a firm
grasp on the shape of the
opera, which he had never
really seen as anything other
than that “fine single-act
festival piece” of his first
letter. Zweig’s verses of
reconciliation were discarded
in favour of a version that
focussed firmly on the final
chorus of rejoicing,
reinforcing the curious
facelessness of a drama in
which only one character is
named. When the score was
finished in draft in January
1936, the noble and
humanitarian idea had been
carried through to an ending
that seems oddly lacking in
true energy and passion.
Partly this lay in the cloak
of anonymity that lay over the
besieged town, commanders and
soldiers, a decision that
emphasized the universality of
Zweig’s message and which he
refused to water down by
introducing a love episode in
order to appease Strauss’s
instinct for the operatic
stage. Partly it was due to
the libretto, about which
Zweig expressed mild doubts to
Gregor, but Friedenstag's
failure to achieve true
success has at least something
to do with Strauss’s music.
The
subject took Strauss out of
his increasingly domestic
musical milieu into areas that
had proved taxing for him in
the past. Over the first part
of the opera hung a pall of
martial gloom that emanated
from the dour intransigence of
the Catholic commander.The
world of chivalry had not been
a notable success for him,
however, unless diluted with
comedy and irony as in Don
Quixote. From the grim
tritones of the opening, the
composer is working in a novel
martial and austere vein that
is lightened only slightly by
the Italianate pastiche of the
Piedmontese messenger. By no
means unsuccessful on its own
terms, the brass-bound music
of the commander presents
Strauss’s characteristic
chromatic language tied to a
more rigid rhythmical scheme
which is appropriate to the
subject but deprives Strauss’s
musical style of some of its
more familiar features.
The final
chorus of reconciliation took
Strauss into territory that he
had visited before in episodes
of his tone poems and in parts
of Die Frau ohne Schatten.
In that opera, the prolonged
glorification at the
conclusion worked by the skin
of its teeth, as Strauss’s
mastery of tension and climax
compensated for flagging
melodic inspiration. The
problem similarly affects the
insistently affirmative C
major close of Friedenstag,
in which Strauss comes
perilously close to the empty
heroics of his festival music
and occasional pieces. That
left the salvaging of the
opera firmly in the hands of
Maria, the Catholic
commander’s wife, whom Strauss
insisted on naming (unlike the
Woman in Die Frau ohne
Schatten, who was
humanized by contact with
Barak). In accordance with
Zweig’s ideas, her dialogue
with the commander eschewed
conventional eroticism and
became a clash of martial
honour and duty with the
self-sacrificing spirit ot
Beethoven’s Leonore. While
declaring her love for her
husband, Maria provides a
biting critique of war.
Somewhat surprisingly, in view
of the lyrical style Strauss
normally reserved for his
later heroines, he managed to
blend Maria’s tendency to
cantilena with the block
chords and fanfares of the
commander, anticipating the
manner in which he built
Apollo’s heroic music into the
lyrical pastoral of Daphne.
In keeping with the dramatic
nature of Strauss’s genius,
this worked best in evoking
ideological conflict, less
well in the moment of
reconciliation, where the role
of the bells does not sustain
the importance Zweig attached
to them as the first harbinger
ol peace; significantly it was
here that Gregor complained to
Zweig that the process of
creation had "ground to a
halt".
When the
opera was finished, Gregor
praised the ending’s
similarity to the close of
Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony (a
comparison that amused the
composer) and to Also
sprach Zarathustra:
“simple, monumental, truly
pure dome-like C major, not
even broken up by the B, as in
Zarathustra”. In spite
of the novelty of many
passages in Friedenstag,
and of the fine music for the
central dramatic clash, it is
legitimate to wish for some of
that B, which may also have
occurred to composer and
librettist when they planned
to make Friedenstag a
finale to Daphne. In
the end this double première
was anticipated by an earlier
performance of Friedenstag
on 24 July 1938 in Munich
featuring the dedicatees
Clemens Krauss and Viorica
Ursuleac as conductor and
Maria, and with Beethoven’s Prometheus
ballet music in the first
half. Thus the opera came to
be associated with no less
than three works by Beethoven:
Fidelio, the Ninth
Symphony and Prometheus.
By the cruellest of ironies,
Zweig’s great project of
reconciliation was plundered
then ignored by the Nazi
regime while Strauss played at
being Beethoven. The message
of Friedenstag was
already clouded by political
and musical myths as Gregor
steered its composer back to
Greek mythology and idealized
pastoral.
John
Williamson
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