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2 CD -
453 185-2 - (p) 1996
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50
Jahre (1947-1997) - Codex II Serie -
5/5 |
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NOTRE DAME Period
- Organa 2 vocum |
|
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138' 19" |
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LEONIN
(Magister) (c.1135-c.1201)
|
-
1. Viderunt omnes |
JB - choir
(unisono) - bells
|
9' 02" |
|
1 - 1 |
LEONIN
(Magister)
|
-
2. Alleluya Pascha nostrum |
MH - choir
(unisono) - bells |
5' 53" |
|
1 - 2 |
LEONIN
(Magister)
|
-
3. Gaude Maria Vigo
|
PE - choir
(unisono) - bells |
6' 51" |
|
1 - 3 |
LEONIN (Magister)
|
-
4. Locus iste
|
CB - choir
(unisono) - bells |
5' 57" |
|
1 - 4 |
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NOTRE
DAME Period - Organa 4 vocum |
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PEROTIN
(c.1160-c.1230) |
-
5. Viderunt omnes
|
PE,RCC,MH - choir
(unisono) - positive organ |
11' 49" |
|
1 - 5 |
PEROTIN
|
-
6. Sederunt principes
|
choir - positive
organ |
11' 14" |
|
1 - 6 |
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ARS
ANTIQUA - Motetti |
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ANONYMUS
|
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7. Alle, psallite cum luya, 3 voc. |
MH,JP,GS - tenor
shawm, tabor |
1' 07" |
|
1 - 7 |
ANONYMUS
|
-
8. Amor potest, 3 voc.
|
MH,PE - tenor
shawm |
1' 00" |
|
1 - 8 |
ANONYMUS
|
-
9. S'on me regarde, 3 voc.
|
MH,PE - fiddle,
mandora, harp, psaltery |
2' 23" |
|
1 - 9 |
ANONYMUS
|
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10. In mari miserie, 3 voc.
|
MH,PE,GS - bells |
1' 50" |
|
1 - 10 |
ANONYMUS
|
-
11. On parole de batre, 3 voc.
|
JB,CB,GS - tabor |
1' 51" |
|
1 - 11 |
ANONYMUS
|
-
12. En mai, quant rosier sont
flouri, 3 voc.
|
PE,MH,GS -
recorder, portative organ, fiddle,
lute |
2' 07" |
|
1 - 12 |
ANONYMUS
|
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13. Dominator Domine, 3 voc. |
MH,PE,GS - bells |
1' 49" |
|
1 - 13 |
ANONYMUS
|
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14. El mois de mai, 3 voc.
|
MH,PE - rebec,
soprano recorder, fiddle, lute |
1' 35" |
|
1 - 14 |
ANONYMUS
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15. O mitissima, 3 voc.
|
JB,CB,GS - tenor
shawm, tabor |
1' 24" |
|
1 - 15 |
ANONYMUS
|
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16. Hoquetus I-VII, 3 voc.
|
cornetts, alto
shawm, fiddles, rebec, harp,
organ, rebec,harp, mandora |
7' 46" |
|
2 - 1
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PETRUS DE CRUCE
(c.1260-c.1300) |
-
17. Aucun ont trouvé, 3 voc.
|
CB,MH - fiddle |
3' 15" |
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2 - 2
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ADAM DE LA HALLE
(c.1237-1288) |
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18. De ma dame vient, 3 voc.
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MH,PH - fiddle |
2' 26" |
|
2 - 3
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ADAM DE
LA HALLE
|
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19. J'os bien a m'amie parler, 3
voc.
|
JB,CB - recorder,
fiddle |
1' 52" |
|
2 - 4
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ANONYMUS
|
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20. La mesnie fauveline, 3 voc.
|
PE,MH,GS |
1' 16" |
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2 - 5
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ARS
NOVA - Motetti |
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ANONYMUS
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21. Quant je le voi, 3 voc.
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PE,JN,MH,JP -
tenor shawm, tabor |
1' 02" |
|
2 - 6
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ANONYMUS
|
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22. Zelus familie, 3 voc.
|
MH,PE,GS |
2' 53" |
|
2 - 7 |
ANONYMUS
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23. Quasi non ministerium, 4 voc.
|
DJ,CB,JB - fiddle |
2' 44" |
|
2 - 8 |
PHILIPPE DE VETRY
(1291-1361) |
-
24. Impudenter circumivi, 4 voc.
|
JB,CB - 2 fiddles |
3' 10" |
|
2 - 9 |
PHILIPPE
DE VETRY |
-
25. Cum statua, 3 voc.
|
CB,JB - alto shawm |
2' 27" |
|
2 - 10 |
BERNARD DE CLUNY
(XIII Century) |
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26. Pantheon abluitur, 5 voc.
|
JB,CB,GS - alto
shawm, slide trumpet
|
2' 39" |
|
2 - 11 |
ANONYMUS |
-
27. Clap, clap, par un matin, 3 voc. |
MH,PH - psaltery,
mandora, fiddle, harp |
1' 30" |
|
2 - 12 |
HENRI GILLES DE
PUSIEX (XIII Century) |
-
28. Ida capillorum, 4 voc. |
JB,CB - fiddle,
cornemuse |
4' 03" |
|
2 - 13 |
HENRI GILLES DE
PUSIEX
|
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29. Rachel plorat filios, 3 voc. |
PE,MH - tenor
shawm |
1' 52" |
|
2 - 14 |
ANONYMUS |
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30. Lés l'ormel a la turelle, 3 voc. |
PE,MH,GS |
1' 50" |
|
2 - 15 |
ANONYMUS
|
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31. O Philippe, Franci qui generis,
3 voc. |
JB,CB - tenor
shawm |
3' 34" |
|
2 - 16 |
ANONYMUS
|
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32. Febus mundo oriens, 3 voc. |
CB,JB,MH |
3' 32" |
|
2 - 17 |
Guillaume de MACHAUT
(c.1300-1377) |
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33. Lasse! comment oublieray, 3 voc. |
PE,MH,GS |
4' 06" |
|
2 - 18 |
Guillaume de MACHAUT
|
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34. Qui es promesses, 3 voc. |
JB,CB - tenor
shawm |
1' 54" |
|
2 - 19 |
Guillaume de MACHAUT
|
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35. Hoquetus David, 3 voc. |
2 cornetts, alto
shawm, bells |
3' 17" |
|
2 - 20 |
Guillaume de MACHAUT
|
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36. Christe, qui lux es, 4 voc. |
JB,CB - slide
trumpet, tenor shawm |
4' 13" |
|
2 - 21 |
ANONYMUS |
-
37. Degentis vita, 4 voc. |
PE,MH - 2 fiddles,
lute, harp |
2' 14" |
|
2 - 22 |
ANONYMUS
|
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38. Inter densas deserti meditans, 3
voc. |
PE,MH - fiddle,
lute |
3' 18" |
|
2 - 23 |
Philippe ROYLLART
(XIV Century) |
-
39. Rex Karole, Johannis genite, 5
voc. |
JB,CB - alto
cornett, tenor shawm, tenor
cornett |
4' 19" |
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2 - 24 |
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James
BOWMAN, counter tenor (JB)
Charles BRETT, counter
tenor (CB)
Rogers COVEY-CRUMP, tenor
(RCC)
Paul
ELLIOTT, tenor (PE)
Martin HILL, tenor
(MH)
John NIXON, tenor
(JN)
John
POTTER, tenor (JP)
Geoffrey SHAW, bass (GS)
|
THE EARLY MUSIC
CONSORT OF LONDON
- Oliver Brookes, fiddle (Roland
Prentice, London)
- Eleanor Sloan, rebec (adapted
from a Yugoslavian folk instrument),
fiddle (Robert Hadaway, Hayton,
Nordfolk)
- Nigel North, rebec (Martin
Bowers, Ingatestone, Essex)
- James Tyler, lute (Arabic
instrument, Damascus c.1900),
mandora (anonymous Italian, early
17th century)
- Gillian Reid, bells (Whitechapel
Bell Foundry, London), Psaltery
(Alan Crumpler, Liverpool)
- Christopher Hogwood, harp (Keith
Theobald, Tisbury, Wilts.),
portative organ (Noel Mander,
London)
- David Corkhill, bells
(Whitechapel Bell Foundry, London),
positive organ (Noel Mander,
London), nakers (Paul Williamson,
London), tabor (Biesemans, Brussels)
- Michael Laird, cornett
(Christopher Monk, Farnham, Surrey),
alto cornett (Moeck, Celle)
- Iaan Wilson, cornett
(Christopher Monk, Farnham, Surrey)
- Alan Lumsden, tenor cornett (Christopher
Monk, Farnham, Surrey),
slide trumpet (Philip
Bate, London)
- David Munrow, soprano and alto
recorder (Friedrich von Huene,
Boston, Mass.), tenor recorder
(Bärenreiter, Kassel), alto shawm
(Steinkopf, Berlin), tenor shawm
(Steinkopf/Moeck, Celle), tenor
cornemuse (Moeck, Celle)
David
MUNROW, direction
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Sources:
Nos. 1-4: W.G. Waite, The Rhythm of
XIIth Century Polyphony, New Haven
1954
Nos. 5,6: The Works of Perotin, ed, E,
Thurston, New York 1970
Nos. 7-12, 17: CODEX MONTPELLIER.
Polyphonies du XIII° siècle, le
Manuscrit H 196 de la Faculté e
Médecine de Montpellier, publié par
Yvonne Rockseth, Paris 1936
Nos. 13-16: CODEX BAMBERG. Cent Motets
du XIII° siècle, publiés d'après le
Manuscrit Ed. IV. 6 de Bamberg par
Pierre Aubry, Paris 1908
Nos. 18, 19: The Lyric Works of Adam
de la Halle, ed. N. Wilkins, Corpus
Mensurabilis Musicae, vol. 44, Dallas
1967
Nos. 20-25: ROMAN DE FAUVEL.
Polyphonic Music of the 14th Century,
vol. I, ed. L. Schrade, Monaco 1956
Nos. 26-32: CODEX IVREA. Polyphonic
Music of the 14th Century, vol. VI,
ed, F. L1. Harrison, Monaco 1968
Nos. 33-36: The Works of Guillaume de
Machaut, Polyphonic Music of the 14th
Century, vols. II/III, ed L. Schrade,
Monaco 1956
Nos. 37-39: CODEX CHANTILLY.
Polyphonic Music of the 14th Century,
vol. V, ed. F. L1. Harrison, Monaco
1968 |
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Luogo
e data di registrazione |
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Chapel,
Charter House, Surrey
(Inghilterra) - 4-5 aprile 1975
Conway Hall, London (Inghilterra)
- 22-30 ottobre 1975
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Original
Editions |
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Archiv
Produktion | 2723 045 | 3 LP |
durata 51' 08" · 44' 21" · 42' 50"
| (p) 1976 | ANA | stereo
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Edizione
"Codex"
|
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Archiv
Produktion "Codex" | 453 185-2 |
durata 66' 31" · 71' 50" | LC 0113
| 2 CD | (p) 1996 | ADD | stereo
|
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Executive
Producer |
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Dr.
Andreas Holschneider
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Recording
Producer and Tonmeister |
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Dr.
Gerd Ploebsch
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Recording
Engineer |
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Hans-Peter
Schweimann, Klaus Hiemann
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Cover |
|
Bible
de Sainte-André, Bibliothèque des
Beaux-Arts, Paris
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Art Direction
|
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Fred
Münzmaier
|
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Note |
|
Original-Image-Bit-Processing
- Added presence and brilliance,
greater spatial definition |
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ORIGINAL
EDITIONS

3 LP - 2723 045 - (p) 1976
|
Treasures
from Archiv Produktion’s
Catalogue
A rare and valuable collection of
documents is the pride of any
library or archive. CODEX, Archiv
Produktion’s new series, presents
rare documents in sound from 50
years of pioneering recording.
These recordings have been
digitally remastered using
original-image bit-processing
technology and can now be
appreciated in all the richness of
their original sound-image. They
range from the serene counterpoint
of a Machaut, the intensely
spiritual polyphony of a Victoria,
to the imposing state-music of a
Handel.
For the artists on Archiv
Produktion recordings, a constant
aim has been to rediscover the
musical pulse of past times and to
recreate the spirit of past ages.
In this sense each performance
here - whether by Pro Musica
Antiqua of Brussels in the 1950s,
the Regensburg Domchor in the
1960s, or Kenneth Gilbert and
Trevor Pinnock in the 1970s - made
a vital contribution to the
revival of Early Music in our
time.
CODEX highlights recordings that
were unique in their day, many of
them first recordings ever of this
rare and remarkable repertoire,
now appearing for the first time on
CD. A special aspect of the
history of performance in our
century can now be revisited, as
great moments from Archiv
Produktion’s recording history are
restored and experienced afresh.
Dr.
Peter Czornyi
Director,
Archiv Produktion
DAVID
MUNROW - During the final
stages of the editorial work on
this production we learned that
David Munrow had died at the age
of 33. He was an exceptional
man. His aim was to bring the
music of the Middle Ages and the
Renaissance to life and make it
convincing in our quite
different world.With the basic
study of the sources as his
starting point, he had the rare
ability and understanding to
excel both as a musicologist and
as a performer, and he was a man
who radiated an extraordinary
musical energy and intensity.
MUSIC OF THE GOTHIC ERA
These recordings
trace the history of polyphonic
music based on plain-song through
a period of just over 200 years,
starting with the organa of Léonin
(composed probably between 1160
and 1170) and ending with motets
from the Chantilly Codex (compiled
about 1380-90). This period was
one of the most eventful in the
history of early music since it
covers both the beginnings and the
rapid development of measured
part-music. At first the main
centre was Paris, but by the early
14th century distinctive and
independent schools of composition
were flourishing in Italy and
England as well as France, and the
principal forms of mediaeval
polyphony had been established:
mass movements, motets and
conductus inside the Church, and
outside it the formes fixes
of courtly music-making; the
French rondeau, virelai and
ballade and the Italian madrigal,
ballata and caccia. The works
selected for this recording are
all French in origin however, and
are all connected by their use of
a plainsong (or occasionally
plainsong substitute) tenor. They
demonstrate not only a fascinating
process of evolution in musical
composition but a form of
historical evolution too. The
transition from a sacred to a
secular milieu epitomised by the
progress of the motet illustrates
the extent to which purely musical
developments have been brought
about by contemporary social,
economic and political factors.
The Notre Dame Period
The age in which Léonin and
Pérotin lived has rightly been
described as one of intellectual
ferment. Men
had finally emerged from the Dark
Ages and were looking back for
inspiration to the art,
architecture and literature of the
Greek and Roman civilisations. The
so called ‘Renaissance of the 12th
century’ which witnessed such
important musical developments
also saw the establishment of
universities at Paris,
Montpellier, Oxford, Bologna and
Salerno, a new learning and
literature in Latin and the
flowering of troubadour poetry and
the drama of the mediaeval Church.
Although music was still something
of a beginner amongst these other
arts, it was an important academic
subject just as it had been in
classical times. Together with
arithmetic, geometry and astronomy
it made up the quadrivium,
the higher division of the seven
liberal arts studied at the
universities. And the close
association between Church and
university in Paris naturally
fostered the development of Church
music. Writing of the Paris of
1210, the historian William of
Armorica has this to say of the
university:
In
that time letters flourished
at Paris. Never before in any
time or in any part of the
world, whether in Athens or in
Egypt had there been such a
multitude of students. The
reason for this must be sought
not only in the admirable
beauty of Paris; but also in
the special privileges which
King Philip and his father
before him conferred upon the
scholars. In that great city
the study of the trivium and
the quadrivium... [was] held
in high esteem. But the crowd
pressed with a special zeal
about the chairs where Holy
Scripture was taught, or where
problems of theology were
solved.
The University of
Paris, which became pre-eminent
amongst the mediaeval
universities, developed around the
great Cathedral of Notre Dame,
begun in 1163. Tantalisingly
little is known about the school
of composers whose music was
performed there. In a brief sketch
written in about 1280 an
Englishman (Coussemaker, Scriptores,
Anonymus IV) tells us:
Magister
Leoninus was the best composer
of organum, who made the Magnus
liber organi de Gradali et
Antiphonario in order
to increase the divine
service. This was in use until
the time of the great
Perotinus who shortened this
book and made many better clausulae
or puncta [substitute
sections], since he was the
best composer of discantus and
better than Leoninus, although
he cannot be said to reveal
the subtlety of [Léonin’s]
organum. This Magister
Perotinus wrote the best quadrupla
[four-part organa] such as Viderunt
and Sederunt
with an abundance
of ‘colours’ in the art of
harmonic music... The book or
books of Magister Perotinus
were in use both in the choir
of the church of Notre Dame in
Paris until the time of
Magister Robertas de Sabilone,
and from his time until the
present day....
It is difficult to
overestimate the achievements of
these two composers. Léonin’s Magnus
liber consisted of 34
polyphonic pieces for the
Canonical hours and 59 for the
Mass throughout the ecclesiastical
year. Pérotin revised the book and
composed new organa, conductus and
motets. The impact of the new
polyphonic repertory they provided
was enormous: their works were
performed all over Europe and
copies of them were still being
made at the beginning of the 14th
century. Before Léonin and
Pérotin, the development of
polyphony had been held back by
the absence of any rhythmic
organisation in musical notation;
between the earliest written
polyphony, the simple organa of Musica
enchiriadis (c. 850), and
the florid school of St. Martial
(12th century) comparatively
little progress in fixing the
rhythm had been made. Writing
measured part-music is a
fundamental process of composition
which might be compared to
learning to paint in colour, to
write in verse, or to construct a
stone archway. Yet when Léonin and
Pérotin evolved the technique of
modal rhythm (basically the
application of a series of
rhythmic modes derived from
classical prosody) and established
an adequate method of musical
notation, they not only laid the
foundation for the subsequent
notational advances of the next
two centuries but produced
magnificent works of art, grandly
conceived and finely executed. The
organa of the Magnus liber
and the other compositions of the
Notre Dame School are in no sense
historical relics or mere academic
excercises. They do however,
present a number of problems for
the 20th century performer (as
well as editor) which perhaps
accounts for their comparative
neglect today.
Léonin’s Organa - (CD1,
1-4)
The Magnus liber of Léonin
consists of a series two-part
compositions known as organum
duplum or
purum, in which the lower
voice (the tenor) consists of a
pre-existing plain-chant and the
upper voice (the duplum)
is newly composed. As was the
practice of the Notre Dame School,
only those sections of chant
normally sung by soloists are set
polyphonically, the remaining
sections being left unadorned to
be sung by the choir. This balance
between plainsong and polyphony is
an essential feature of Notre Dame
organa. Further contrast is
achieved within the polyphonic
sections by the use of two
contrasting styles of writing:
a) the ‘sustained-tone’ style, in
which the tenor part holds very
long notes against a rapidly
moving duplum
b) the ‘discant’ style, in which
both parts move at roughly the
same speed. In the later Notre
Dame pieces the discant sections
became known as clausulae
(from the Latin clausula =
ending) because the part of the
melody on which they are based
usually comes at the end of the
chant.
Although Léonin limited himself to
a two-part texture, he obtained
great variety within it by
exploiting the contrast between
these two styles. In the
sustained-tone sections the duplum
part demands great virtuosity of
execution: Léonin alternates
sequential melodic phrases with
the fast running passages or currentes
which are so characteristic of his
solo writing. The opening of Viderunt
omnes [CD1, 1] includes a
quick downward scale of an octave
and a fourth, demanding the sort
of vocal technique we associate
more with Baroque opera than
mediaeval Church music. Léonin’s
discant sections are much simpler,
and the preponderance of the first
rhythmic mode (derived from the
trochaic metre and normally
transcribed in 6/8 in modern
notation) inevitably produces a
dance-like lilt. It is worth
noting, in view of the subsequent
development of the motet, that
Léonin occasionally repeats
the plainchant tenor in these
sections, presumably in order to
give them more weight, as for
instance in the second discant
section of Viderunt omnes.
Besides demanding an accomplished
vocal technique, Léonin’s organa
present interesting problems of
range. The soloist is normally
expected to cope with a compass of
at least an octave and a half,
and, taking the pitch as it
stands, this often lies
uncomfortably in between normal
tenor and alto ranges. Whilst
pitch was anything but
standardised in the Middle Ages,
these pieces do not easily
lend themselves to transposition,
since accommodating the soloist
all too often takes the
unaccompanied plainchant sections
out of the normal range of the
choir. Accordingly, the four organa
from the Magnus liber
recorded here have been performed
at the written pitch. Two of the duplum
parts have been assigned to
countertenors and two to tenors so
that the listener may compare the
use of ‘normal’ and ‘falsetto’
techniques. There can be little
doubt that falsetto singing was
used by some of the singers in the
Notre Dame choir: mention is made
of the taste for very high-pitched
singing (acutissimis vocibus)
in Pérotin’s time.
Perotin’s Quadrupla
Perhaps the most surprising
feature of Léonin’s organa is the
length of the pieces: long
melismas turn a single line of
plainsong into several pages of
polyphony. Yet Léonin’s time scale
is brief compared to that of
Perotin, whose massive musical
structures seem to bestride the
history of mediaeval church music
like a colossus. The two
monumental organa included on this
record are justly famous. Viderunt
omnes [CD1, 5], probably
written for the Christmas season
of 1198, and Sederunt
principes [CD1, 6] probably
first performed on the Feast of
St. Stephen in 1199 are the
earliest known examples of
four-part music in the history of
European music. Both seem to share
the architectural grandeur of
Notre Dame itself. If the hallmark
of Léonin’s style is the virtuoso
treatment of a solo voice, that of
Pérotin is the skilful
manipulation of small choral
forces. Where Léonin exploited
vocal brilliance and decoration,
Pérotin relied on repetition and
exchange of parts (Stimmtausch)
between voices. Where Léonin
produced a constant flow of new
melodic ideas, Pérotin preferred
to limit himself to a handful of
short phrases which he could work
into a pattern at once ever
changing yet basically constant.
In the two organa quadrupla,
the sustained notes of the tenor
have become so extended that each
syllable of text becomes a
complete section, and a change of
note or syllable in the tenor part
heralds the introduction of a new
group of ideas in the upper parts.
Yet the fact that the three upper
parts sing virtually continuously
over a sustained note which is so
long that it acquires the
permanence of a drone should not
suggest monotony. Perotin’s vocal
writing is eloquent, irraginative,
and full of delicate effects. It
is certanly no more instrumental
in character than that of Léonin,
and the presence of instruments
doublng the voices can only make
the singers’ job harder rather
than easier.
The performance of Notre Dame
Organa
The problem of the use of
instruments in the performance of
Notre Dame Church music is a vexed
one. It should be remembered that,
at this point in history, musical
instruments were at a
comparatively early stage of
development in Europe. The art of
bowing was only a century old and
many the instruments which were to
become so popular and widespread
in the 13th and 14th centuries
were not yet in use. As far as
France is concerned, there is
virtually no evidence of the use
of the dulcimer, lute, transverse
flute, or portative organ at this
early period, even though their
participation has been suggested.
Bearing in mind the complex nature
of the music, the use of loud
outdoor instruments such as
shawms, drums or cymbals seems
less likely still. Only two
instruments have an undisputed
part in mediaeval Church music
since their association with the
Church is regularly chronicled
from early mediaeval times
onwards: the organ and
chime-bells. Of course, as Ethel
Thurston has pointed out, we
cannot be certain that there
actually was an organ in Notre
Dame at all in Perotin’s time -
but if there was, it would
certainly seem likely to have been
used to double the voices of the
long-note tenor parts. It has been
suggested that the whole practice
of organum came from the
organ in the first place, though
it must be remembered that the
Latin word organum meant
any kind of instrument, not just
the organ. Chime-bells were used
for teaching the scale and its
intervals, notably in the choir
schools, and it was a natural
extension of this practice that
they should accompany plain-song
during the service too: bells are
sometimes depicted hanging by the
side of the organ, ready for use.
Accordingly, the only instruments
employed in the works by Léonin
and Pérotin recorded here are
bells and organ. Bells are used to
double the tenor part throughout
the Léonin organa, and on places
to join in the plainsong sections
too, where the joyful nature of
the occasion seems to warrant it.
It seems particularly appropriate,
for example, in Alleluya
Pascha nostrum [CD1, 2], an
Alleluya verse of the Mass of
Easter Sunday. In the Pérotin
quadrupla the organ has been used
to double the tenor part
throughout. The listener may be
interested in the following
further details of interpretation.
Ligature (a notational sign
combining two or more notes in a
single group): Generally speaking,
ligatures have been interpreted as
guides to phrasing.
Plica (an ornamental note
to be inserted between written
notes): We have endeavoured to
follow the suggestion of the
theorist known as pseudoAristotle
who said that a plica is to be
sung “with a partial closing of
the epiglottis combined with a
subtle repercussion of the
throat”.
Tremolando (a fluctuation
in volume, as opposed to vibrato,
a fluctuation in pitch): According
to Walter Odington tremolando (tremule
teneatur) was an optional
addition to the sustained tenor
notes of organa. Our experiment
with this effect can be heard in
the latter part of Pérotin's Sederunt
principes.
Florata (a term not clearly
understood, mentioned by Anonymous
IV as applied to the long notes at
the beginning of organa): We have
interpreted this as a suggestion
to emphasise the opening of the
organa, (sometimes decorated with
an initial dissonance acting like
an appoggiatura as in Léonin’s Viderunt
omnes and Locus iste.)
Insertion of rests: Franco
of Cologne recommends the
insertion of occasional rests in
the tenor part to avoid excessive
dissonance. We have adopted this
practice in the Pérotin organa,
not only to avoid dissonance but
in order to give the singers a
chance to breathe.
Tenor parts: Because of the
problem of breathing already
mentioned, these have been
assigned to three singers who are
able to take it in turns to
breathe and thus produce a
continuous sound.
Acknowledgments
Much of the foregoing material is
based on the researches of William
G. Waite and Ethel Thurston, whose
editions, cited in the table of
sources, contain much fascinating
background information. I am also
most grateful for the help of
Bruno Turner who kindly provided
me with the appropriate plainsong
interpolations for the Léonin
pieces, and whose advice has been
invaluable.
Ars antiqua: 13th-century
motets in the Montpellier and
Bamberg Codices
The transition from the Notre Dame
organum to the 13th-century motet
takes us from the monumental to
the miniature. Listeners will have
observed that the clausulae
sections of the organa are much
shorter than the sustained-tone
sections and it was from the
clausula that the motet developed
as a separate and quite
independent form. For an excellent
series of examples illustrating
how this process took place, the
reader is referred to Archibald T.
Davison and Willi Apel, Historical
Anthology of Music
(Cambridge, Mass., 1949, pp.
24-26). Briefly, the motet
originated shortly after the year
1200 as a two-part clausula in
which a new text had been added to
the duplum part. The new upper
voice of the motet became known as
the ‘motetus’ part, because of the
addition of words (‘mots’) and the
name eventually became applied to
the whole piece. The typical
13th-century motet emerged as a
three-part composition, organised
as follows:
Tenor: a short melismatic
section of plainchant, usually
identified by the word or syllable
to which it was originally sung.
The Easter gradual Haec dies
provided two particularly popular
tenors, including Haec dies
itself (employed in the Bamberg
motet O mitissima/Quant voi -
Virgo virginum [CD1, 15])
and In seculum (employed
in the Bamberg hoqueti
Nos. IV and V and in Adam de la
Halle’s J'os bien - Je n’os)
[CD2, 4]. Another common tenor was
Domino, taken from one of
the melodies used for ‘Benedicamus
Domino - Deo gratias’, a
salutation of the Roman liturgy
sung at the end of all offices. It
can be heard in the Bamberg motet
Dominator Domine - Ecce
ministerium [CD1, 13].
Having selected his tenor, the
composer organised it in a
rhythmic pattern, often involving
repetition. In Dominator
nomine - Ecce ministerium
the tenor occurs twice, in On
parole de batre - A Paris -
Frese nouvele [CD1, 11] the
tenor occurs four times, whilst in
Amor potest - Ad amorem [8]
the short three-note tenor
achieves an ostinato effect by
being repeated over 30 times. An
element of repetition is already
found in the tenors of Léonin’s
organa, as mentioned above.
Duplum and triplum: the
organisation of the tenor was
designed to suit the
newly-composed parts which were
written successively against it,
first the duplum (the second
voice) and then the triplum
(the third voice). This
successive method of composition
is important because it emphasises
the independence of the three
parts, especially between the
upper two. Unexpected dissonances
could (and did) occur between
duplum and triplum and their
separation is strengthened by the
fact that they were almost
invariably settings of different
texts. Sometimes the texts were
related: the upper parts of On
parole de batre - A Paris -
Frese nouvele both extol the
delights of Paris; in Dominator
Domine - Ecce ministerium
both texts concern the Virgin and
the miraculous birth of Christ.
But on other occasions motets
could be not only polytextual but
bilingual. The substitute French
text in the triplum part of O
mitissima/Quant voi - Virgo
virginum juxtaposes a prayer
to the Virgin Mary with a lovesick
complaint to fair Marion.
Occasionally the duplum or triplum
part might itself be borrowed. The
Montpellier motet S'on me
regarde - Prennés i garde
[CD1, 9] ingeniously combines a
secular tenor with a monophonic
rondeau by the trouvère Guillaume
d’Amiens (Prennés i garde)
as its duplum, whilst the triplum
and tenor of In mari miserie
also occur in the Roman de
Fauvel.
Although the motet was initially
developed within the Church, it
rapidly became popular outside it.
A glance at the texts shows that
the majority are of a secular
nature, even though plainsong
tenors continued to be used. The
alternative texts which exist for
the triplum part of O
mitissima/Quant voi - Virgo
virginum illustrate the
transition. The Bamberg codex
contains a sacred text, a prayer
to the Virgin Mary, whilst the
Montpellier codex contains a
secular substitute: the complaint
to the fair Marion mentioned above
(both texts, incidentally, have
been recorded here). On occasions
the tenor might itself be secular,
though still used in the
repetitive manner of a plainsong
tenor. The tenor of On parole
de batre - A Paris - Frese
nouvele may possibly be a
popular street cry of the time, or
a political slogan, whilst that of
Quant je le voi - Bon vin doit
- Cis chant [CD2,6; (from
the Roman de Fauvel)]
sounds like a real drinking song.
The tenor of En mai - L'autre
jour - Hé! resvelle toi is a
rondeau refrain known from several
sources and also used by Adam de
la Halle in his Le Jeu de
Robin et de Marion. (This
motet may in fact be by de la
Halle.) One particularly unusual
motet is Alle, psallite cum,
luya [CD1, 7]. The tenor is
fragment of an alleluya
ingeniously repeated, whilst the
upper parts adapt the principle of
Stimmtausch to provide an
early form of canon. The text of
the duplum and triplum consists of
a trope of the word ‘alleluya’,
splitting up the word with shouts
of praise: ‘Alle - praise with -
luya, Alle - with a full and
devoted heart praise God with -
luya’.
The majority of 13th century
motets, like those found in the
Montpellier and Bamberg codices,
are anonymous. The latter
collection is particularly
interesting through its inclusion
of seven instrumental pieces, the
earliest surviving corpus of
mediaeval instrumental music,
aside from dance music. For this
reason the pieces have been
recorded here in their entirety.
Their style is totally
different from that of the vocal
pieces, since the instrumental
motets take the form of hoqueti,
or hockets. The hocket (literally
‘hiccup’), a device commonly used
in vocal writing, consisted of the
truncation of a melodic line: a
good example of its use can be
heard at the end of Amor
potest - Ad amorem. It was
only one device among many
however, and we should not expect
to find it used continuously
throughout a piece. Yet that is
precisely what happens in the
Bamberg instrumental motets,
suggesting that mediaeval
musicians had a rather distinctive
approach to purely instrumental
composition. Hocketting certainly
makes an effective (and enjoyable)
exercise for instrumentalists and
these performances have been
carefully designed to demonstrate
the most important instruments of
the time.The tenor of one of the
hockets (No. 4) is marked In
seculum viellatoris (In
seculum of the fiddle
player) and this unusual example
of suggested instrumentation has
been followed accordingly.
Adam de la Halle and Petrus de
Cruce
During the second half of the 13th
century some individual composers
begin to emerge. The trouvère,
Adam de la Halle (c. 1230 - c.
1300) most famous for his
dramatised pastourelle, Le Jeu
de Robin et de Marion,
contributed a number of delightful
motets, as well as early
polyphonic forms of the rondeau,
virelai and ballade. The three
motets selected here reveal the
more treble-dominated style of the
later 13th-century motet. In
De ma dame vient - Diex
[CD2, 3] the duplum occupies a
very subordinate role, whilst the
brilliant triplum of En mai -
L’autrejour - Hé! resvelle toi
(possibly the work of de Halle) is
in the nature of a tongue-twister.
This dominance of the triplum is
even more obvious in the work of
Petrus de Cruce (died c. 1300). He
made an important contribution to
the development of notation by
introducing quicker note-values.
The semibrevis, which
could be sung in groups of up to
nine, enabled Petrus de Cruce to
create a kind of parlando
effect, alternating with more
sustained passages. Although his
style was a transitory one, the
motet Aucun ont trouvé - Lonc
tans [CD2, 2] reveals a
musical expressiveness ahead of
its time.
Ars nova: The Roman de Fauvel
and Philippe de Vitry
Theorists such as Jacob of Liège
(in his Speculum musicae
written in the second quarter of
the 14th century) referred to the
period of Petrus de Cruce and the
13th century school as that of Ars
antiqua in order to
distinguish it from their Ars
nova. The champion of the
new style was Philippe de Vitry
(c. 1290-1361), who introduced the
term as the title of a treatise
completed in about 1325. Although
this deals primarily with
notational innovations, its
results were far-reaching since it
provided composers with a more
precise and flexible notation, a
much wider choice of rhythms and
consequently greater compositional
freedom. During the 14th century,
the motet, along with the other
polyphonic forms, developed
considerably in length and
structure, culminating in the
superbly elaborate works of
Machaut and the composers of the
Chantilly codex. But to start with
not all the advances pleased
everybody. Here is an extract from
the decree of John XXII (an
Avignon Pope from 1316 to 1334)
issued in 1324/25. The minim, to
which he refers so scathingly, had
been introduced into musical
notation in about 1300.
Certain
disciples of the new school,
much occupying themselves with
the measured dividing of time,
display their method in notes
which are new to us,
preferring to devise ways of
their own rather than to
continue singing in the old
manner; the music, therefore,
of the divine offices is now
performed with semibreves and
minims, and with these notes
of small value every
composition is pestered.
Moreover, they truncate the
melodies with hocket, they
deprave them with discantus,
sometimes even they stuff them
with upper parts made out of
secular song... We now hasten
therefore to banish these
methods... and to put them to
flight more effectually than
heretofore, far from the house
of God.
In spite of Pope
John’s decree, compositions
continued to be ‘pestered with
notes of small value’, though
composers were generally quite
content to remain ‘far from the
house of God’. As a reaction
against the Church’s conservatism,
composers turned to the court for
employment and the main musical
developments of the 14th century
in France lay in the realm of
secular music. In any case,
criticism of the venality and
materialism of the Church had been
mounting since the 12th century.
The sale of indulgences, the
existence of standing Church
armies and the widespread and open
corruption of the clergy
undermined the reputation of the
Church, culminating in the Great
Schism (1378-1417) during which
two Popes ruled in competition
with one another, one in Rome and
one in Avignon.
In 1314 Gervais du Bus, clerical
notary at the chancellery of the
French King between 1313 and 1338,
completed a virulent attack on
both Church and State, entitled
the Roman de Fauvel. It
consists of a savagely satirical
poem of over 3000 verses which
reveals to a striking degree the
disrespect in which the whole
establishment was held. In 1316 an
enlarged version of the Roman
de Fauvel was made by
Chaillou de Pestain, including
musical interpolations. The
musical items, none of which
appear to be by Chaillou himself,
are very varied in style. The
lyrical Zelus familie - Ihesu
tu dator [CD2, 7] could
belong to the mid-13th century,
whilst the four-part Quasi -
Trahunt - Ve, qui gregi
deficiunt [CD2, 8], with its
mannered use of plica and dotted
rhythm, is much more up-to-date.
The texts are in French as well as
Latin, the more satirical pieces
such as La mesnie - J'ai fait
nouveletement - Grant despit
[CD2, 5] tending to be in the
vernacular. Yet varied though the
style of the musical additions to
Roman de Fauvel may be,
they are well integrated into the
original poem and, as a glance at
their texts will show, their moral
purpose is a clearly unified one.
A number of the Fauvel
motets are probably the work of
Philippe de Vitry although no
attributions accompany the
compositions. Unlike most
theorists, he was a composer of
international standing though
comparatively few surviving
compositions can definitely be
ascribed to him. Those motets
definitely by Philippe de Vitry
reveal a positive musical
personality and an outstanding
compositional technique. In
keeping with the aggressive spirit
of the Roman de Fauvel, he
used his motets for polemical
purposes. Cum statua - Hugo,
Hugo, princeps [CD2, 10] is
an outspoken attack against an
unknown enemy which must have had
a powerful impact since it
apparently acquired the force of a
proverb. Impudenter -
Virtutibus laudabilis [CD2,
9), on the other hand, is a gentle
religious work in honour of St.
Mary, showing that even when the
Church was under attack, sacred
composition was not entirely
neglected.
An important element in the motets
of this period was the development
of the technique of isorhythm.
This is the term coined by the
German musicologist Friedrich
Ludwig for the repetition of a
series of time-values in the tenor
part (and sometimes in the upper
parts too) independent from the
repetition of the melody. The
rhythmic formula imposed by the
composer (the talea) was
regarded as a quite separate
entity from the borrowed melody
(the color) and the
interaction of the two became a
vital (though not always audible)
constructive principle in the new
motet. The technique is latent in
many of the motets of the 13th
century, but it was the Ars
nova composers who made a
real feature of it. Both Philippe
de Vitry’s motets recorded here
are isorhythmic, though the
technique is more apparent in the
four-part Impudenter -
Virtutibus laudabilis. Here
both the instrumental parts (tenor
and contratenor) are isorhythmic
and both demonstrate the most
audible device associated with
isorhythm: that of diminution.
Towards the end of the piece the
time values of the taleae
are halved, thus doubling the
speed and galvanising what had
been fairly slow-moving
accompanying parts into action
almost as vigorous as that of the
two voices. Diminution is an
effective emotional technique,
heightening the tension at the
moment where further repetition is
liable to pall and de Vitry makes
the most of it by simultaneously
changing the texture of the upper
parts as well. At the point where
the diminution begins in the tenor
and contratenor, the two voices
have completed their respective
texts and continue to the end with
an unusually long and elaborate
melisma involving hocket and
syncopation. This coda (or cauda,
as we might properly term it)
forms a brilliant and exciting
conclusion to a motet which will
stand comparison with any by the
later composers represented on
here.
The motet of the 14th century:
intellectual and musical
expression
Before the middle of the
fourteenth century the motet was
the most elevated musical form of
its day. Older than any of the
polyphonic chanson types, it
offered unrivalled scope for
intellectual and musical
expression. It was cultivated by
all the leading French composers,
and listened to with respect by
the courtly cognoscenti
and patrons of music. As the
theorist Johannes de Grocheo put
it:
This
sort of song should not be
performed before ordinary
people because they do not
notice its fine points nor
enjoy listening to it, but
before learned people and
those on the lookout for
subtleties in the arts.
From about 1350
onwards, the supremacy of the
motet was challenged by the
rapidly developing courtly formes
fixes: the rondeau, virelai
and ballade. These chanson types
were free from the limitation
imposed by a pre-composed tenor
whilst their repetitive and
stylised musical structure
appealed to both poets and
composers alike. Motets continued
to be written, however, although
in reduced quantities. Rather as
the caccia seems to have
been regarded by 14th century
Italian composers as a ‘special’
category of composition compared
to the madrigal or ballata, so the
motet became a form only to be
attempted every now and again:
Guillaume de Machaut, for example,
wrote only 23 motets compared to
over 90 examples of the polyphonic
chanson. Whilst chansons were
basically vehiclesfor the
expression of amour courtois
in all its aspects, motets could
still serve a much wider purpose
and offer a greater scope of
subject matter. As Frank Harrison
has written, motets could be
“devotional, admonitory,
laudatory, moral, didactic,
courtly-amorous or rusticamorous”.
Their appeal became, if anything,
even more elitist: “They were
performed ... probably on a few
special kinds of occasion ... The
society which used this music was
apparently composed of those
ecclesiastics and members of high
feudal circles, probably no great
number in all, who had the
inclination and the knowledge to
indulge their taste for oblique
poetry combined with recherche
music.”
The literary texts of the later
motets are certainly nothing if
not obscure, requiring a thorough
knowledge of the literary
conventions and historical
background of the period, for
their proper understanding and
appreciation. Musically they are
extremely difficult to perform,
taxing the singers’ virtuosity and
stamina to an extraordinary
degree. Yet in spite of the fact
that today the more immediate
appeal of the chansons has tended
to overshadow the importance of
the later 14th-century motet
(dismissed by some modern writers
as an outmoded form, past its
best) the works recorded here have
been unjustly neglected. They
represent the summit of nearly two
centuries of musical development,
and may be numbered amongst the
most glorious artistic
achievements of the Middle Ages.
The Ivrea Codex
Although the Ivrea codex was
probably compiled during the years
1360-70 its repertory covers a
much wider time-span, including
motets by Philippe de Vitry and
even earlier pieces, such as Clap,
clap - Sus Robin [CD2, 12]
which probably dates from the last
years of the 13th century. Of all
the manuscript collections of the
Middle Ages, the Ivrea codex
contains what is probably the most
representative selection of
motets: with a good cross-section
both of styles and subject matter.
Bernard de Cluny’s Pantheon -
Apollinis - Zodiacum [CD2,
11] is a grand ceremonial piece,
found in a three-part version in
the Ivrea codex. The two
additional parts from the (now
lost) Strasbourg manuscript are
included here, making up a rich
five-part texture, very unusual
for the period. In the pedagogical
text of the triplum, Bernard de
Cluny (clearly author as well as
composer) invokes the divine music
of the spheres, Pythagoras and
Boethius, whilst the duplum lists
the names of many contemporay
musicians: Johannes de Muris,
Philippe de Vitry, Henri d’Hélène,
Denis le Grant (Dionysius Magni),
Renaud de Tirlemont, Robert d’Aix
(Robertus de Palatio), Guillaume
de Machaut, Gilles de Thérouanne
(Egidius de Morino), Guarin de
Soissons, Arnold de
St.-Martin-du-Ré, Pierre de Bruges
and Godefroid de Baralle. Three
motets in the Chantilly codex
contain similar roll-calls of
honour.
In contrast, Clap, clap - Sus
Robin [CD2, 12] is a
hilarious rustic piece describing
Robin’s amorous escapades at the
mill and making the most of double-entendre.
The poems are punctuated by the
noise of the millwheel turning and
the two voice-parts are musically
related to an unusual degree,
whilst the tenor is a secular one.
Ida capillorum - Portio nature
[CD2, 13] by Gilles de Pusiex is a
sacred piece honouring St. Ida,
countess of Bologne. The tenor is
a variant of the opening of the
Antiphon Ante thorum
Trinitatis. Rachel
plorat filios - Ha fratres
[CD2, 14] is a bitter protest
against the high ecclesiastics and
regular clergy who oppress the
friar-preachers; it probably dates
from the time of Pope John XXII,
during whose rule the Franciscan
order was torn by disputes about
the vow of poverty. Lés
l'ormel - Mayn se leva - Je n’y
saindrai [CD2, 15] is a
lyyrical pastourelle: all
the texts are in French and the
tenor is a pre-existing secular
song. The triplum of O
Philippe - O bone dux [CD2,
16] is a piece of flattering
rhetoric addressed to King Philip
VI, whilst the duplum mixes praise
with advice to Prince John (who
became John II in 1350). Febus
mundo oriens - Lanista -
Cornibus [CD2, 17] is a
rather more subtle tribute to a
noble patron of music, Gaston
Phébus (1331-1391), Lord of Foix
and Béarn. All three parts extol
his virtues: the triplum compares
him to the sun, the duplum praises
his prowess as a military leader
whilst the tenor refers to his
emblem as count of Béarn. A most
unusual feature of this motet is
that the tenor is apparently
freely composed. Whilst the Ivrea
motets recorded here illustrate
the range and variety of the form,
none of them make particularly
imaginative use of isorhythm.
Guillaume de Machaut
The best known exponent of the
mediaeval motet is Guillaume de
Machaut (c. 1300-1377), the
dominant figure both in lyric
poetry and music in 14th century
France. As a young man he took
holy orders and became secretary
to King John of Luxembourg,
probably in 1323. He followed the
king on many military expeditions
and travelled as far afield as
Poland, Silesia and Italy. After
the death of John of Luxembourg on
the field of Crécy in 1346,
Machaut served a series of royal
patrons. They included King
Charles of Navarre, Charles of
Normandy who became King of France
in 1364, Pierre I, King of Cyprus
and Jean, Due de Berry. Because he
wrote the first complete setting
of the Mass to have survived,
Machaut’s place in the history of
music is sometimes misunderstood.
He was not primarily an innovator.
In many ways conservative, his
genius lies in the way he combined
a mastery of all the techniques of
the age with a gift of melody and
expressiveness. He was as good at
writing a simple tune as he was at
writing an elaborate isorhythmic
motet and he approached the
business of composition with the
freedom of genius.
The motet Lasse! - Se j'aim
mon loyal ami - Pour quoy
[CD2, 18] is a superb example of
his art, in which both words and
music are carefully integrated to
produce a lovesick complaint,
touching the depths of passionate
melancholy. The subject of all
three texts is marital
unhappiness, to which the duplum
and triplum add that of loyalty
and devotion to their true lover
outside marriage. What makes this
conventional situation of amour
courtois unusual is that all
the texts are written from the
woman’s point of view. The upper
parts are related musically as
well as poetically, sharing the
four-note figures which are such a
fingerprint of Machaut’s style.
Nevertheless, it is the more
syllabically-set triplum part
which dominates the piece,
unfolding a ravishingly expressive
melodic line in which a poignant
cadential phrase returns again and
again. The tenor part, unusually
for Machaut, is neither sacred nor
isorhythmic, but consists of a
simple melody in rather free
virelai form. Although this motet
requires the solution of some
tricky problems of musica
ficta, Machaut’s intention
is clearly to emphasise the
despairing mood by some plangent
discords. There are few other
motets in which the three parts
each retain such a distinctive
individuality yet at the same time
fuse to produce a miracle of
sustained expression.
The other three pieces recorded
here demonstrate different aspects
of Machaut’s art. Qui es - Ha!
Fortune [CD2, 19] is a
tirade against the fickleness of
Fortune in which the rich poetic
images are matched by outbursts of
hocket and syncopation in the two
voices, constantly competing in
vivid syllabic declamation. The
famous Hoquetus David
[CD2, 20] is Machaut’s only purely
instrumental work, and like the
Bamberg hoqueti it
explores the technique of
hocketting, though at considerably
greater length. The name ‘David’
derives from the source of the
isorhythmic tenor part, the
melisma ‘David’ from the alleluia
verse, ‘Nativitas gloriose
virginis’. It is hardly surprising
that Machaut’s hocket has
fascinated a number of modern
composers, such as Peter Maxwell
Davies, and inspired them to make
their own arrangements of it since
it seems to transcend the
time-span of its age and be at
once totally mediaeval and totally
modern. There is no other
comparable work in the whole of
14th-century music and it is
interesting to speculate as to why
Machaut wrote it at all. Was it
conceived as a purely academic
exercise or, if it was designed
for performance, what sort of
situation did Machaut have in
mind? Mediaeval wind instruments
seem able to make the most of
piece, though it asserts
considerable demands on their
technique. Christe, qui lux es
- Veni, creator spiritus
[CD2, 21] is a sacred motet,
providing a splendid example of
carefully worked-out diminution in
the lower two parts. The solo
opening for first one and then two
voices is especially effective:
the tenor and contratenor are
silent for the best part of the
first 50 bars. Christe, qui
lux es - Veni, creator spiritus
was written after 1356; the other
three pieces by Machaut recorded
here belong to the period
1349-1363.
The Chantilly Codex
The record ends with three
large-scale motets from the
Chantilly codex, compiled between
about 1380 and 1390: its entire
contents belong almost certainly
to the second half of the 14th
century. Degentis vita - Cum
vix artidici [CD2, 22]
features an attack on the venality
of the Church from the triplum,
offset by the duplum in which the
Church itself (represented by St.
Peter) laments its own poverty.
This motet contains a number of
unusual features which enable it
not only to sustain its length but
build up to an impressive climax.
The texture is a constantly
fluctuating one: the two voices
alternate between long notes and
passages of hocket, whilst the
triplum has a number of
interesting parlando passages. The
contratenor is a particularly
lively one and may originally have
been conceived as a vocal line. Inter
densas - Imbribus irriguis
[CD2, 23] is another piece in
praise of Gaston Phébus, Lord of
Foix and Béarn. As with Febus
mundo oriens - Lanista -
Cornibus from the Ivrea
codex, the flattery is subtle,
aristocratic and refined, matching
the dream-like vision of grace and
beauty evoked by the texts.
Although the origin of the tenor
is unknown, its appropriateness is
clear enough from the incipit:
‘Admirabile est nomen tuum’. Above
it, the two voices develop a
series of related ideas in which
the melodic interval of a third
seems to be ever-present. These
melodic lines are constructed in a
series of neatly dovetailed
sections and their soothing
triple-rhythm has an almost
hypnotic lilt. The carefully
prepared conclusion is a
masterstroke on the part of the
composer, in which he highlights
the name of this patron in the
last two notes of the triplum.
Finally a more obvious piece of
flattery, couched in the same sort
of grand ceremonial manner as
Bernard de Cluny's Pantheon -
Apollinis - Zodiacum from
the Ivrea codex. Rex Karole -
Leticie [CD2, 24] by
Philippe Royllart is in honour of
King Charles V (reigned
1364-1380).
The interpretation of the
motets
A final word may be said about the
interpretation of the motets.
These works offer wide scope for
different interpretations since we
actually have fewer clues relating
to their performance from
contemporary theorists than we
have for the Notre Dame organa.
Although the exact degree to which
words and music are related in
polytextual motetsis difficult to
assess, the literary texts clearly
provide useful guidelines to
interpretation in the absence of
more specific instructions from
the composer. Such matters as
tempo, instrumentation and
dynamics have been arranged to
match the prevailing mood or
situation presented by the text.
Again the performance suggestions
relating to the plica and ligature
(already mentioned in connection
with the organa) have been
observed. The listener may be
interested in the following
points:
Disposition of voices: The
vocal range demanded by mediaeval
motets suits the compass of male
voices (alto, tenor, bass) rarely
exceeding the compass G - d”.
Because of the often virtuoso
nature of the vocal lines, solo
voices seem preferable in all but
the simplest examples. Vocal
doubling can be heard in two
pieces which seem to benefit from
slightly fuller vocal treatment: Alle,
psallite cum, luya and Quant
je le voi - Bon vin doit - Cis
chant.
Instrumental doubling of
voices: Again this seems
appropriate only to the simpler
style of the 13th-century motet,
and even then the choice of
instruments must be made with care
in order to complement rather than
obscure the text. Plucked
instruments, such as the harp,
mandora and psaltery are most
useful in this respect (see S’on
me regarde - Prennés i garde,
CD1, 9). The part which most often
lends itself to instrumental
doubling is the tenor,
particularly when it is melismatic
or textless. A number of motets
include examples of instrumental
doubling of various kinds.
Replacement of voices by
instruments: Although this
is almost certainly a legitimate
method of performance, it has not
been followed here and all
existing texts are sung (but see
note on repetition below).
Vocalization: The absence
of an underlaid text does not
preclude the use of voices. The
vocalization of a textless line
would have seemed a natural enough
technique to singers accustomed to
long melismas, and it seemed
particularly appropriate to the
tenor parts of In mari miserie
and Zelus familie - Ihesu tu
dator.
Addition of percussion parts:
The lighter dancelike motets seem
to benefit from the addition of a
rhythmic part. Nakers and tabor
can be heard in a few pieces.
Repetition: Some of the
earlier motets are so short that
they seem to demand a second
hearing. Sometimes the repetition
has been straightforward (for
instance In Mari miserie)
but on occasions the performances
illustrate the principle of
successive composition. With On
parole de batre - A Paris .
Frese nouvele, for example,
the tenor is heard on its own
first, then with the duplum added,
and finally there is a complete
performance with the triplum as
well. Elsewhere instrumental and
vocal performances of the same
piece have been juxtaposed, as
with El moi de mai - De se
debent.
Musica ficta: It is
unlikely that the thorny problems
of unwritten additional
accidentals to sharpen or flatten
leading notes at cadences to avoid
tritones and other dissonances
will ever be satisfactorily
settled. A number of the decisions
taken for these recordings are our
own, and differ from those found
in the editions cited in the table
of sources.
David
Munrow (1976)
(Acknowledgements: Some of the
foregoing information has been
taken from the notes and
critical com mentary to the
editions by Leo Schrade and
Frank LI. Harrison)
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