Christian monasticism originated in Egypt during the fourth century, when the first hermits settled in the desert mountains on both sides of the Nile. Later deeply wooded mountainous tracts of country in the more central parts of the Byzantine Empire were the most frequent sites for monastic settlement, and Mount Athos is the most famous of these, in fact the only one to preserve an unbroken identity up to the present day.
It bears the official name Ájion Óros (Holy Mountain) and is a semi-independent monastic state, occupying the most easterly prong of the Chalkidike peninsula. In area it is twice the size of Liechtenstein, 45 kilometers in length and joined to the mainland by a flat, narrow isthmus. Southwards the country rises to a thidily forested mountain ridge, which culminates in the precipitous peak of Mount Athos proper, rising to a height of over 2000 metres.
By the Constitution of 1926 the monastic settlements are an autonomous part of the Greek state and under their own communal control. In spiritual matters they are subject to the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople. Since the Orthodox Church has no monastic orders, and therefore no hierarchical distinction within the orders, each individual community has its own way of life. There are twenty of these monasteries properly so called, most of them lying near the coast on the two long sides of the peninsula; but there are also a considerable number of so-called skítes (the name is taken from a site in Egypt) consisting of loose associations of solitary groups as well as hermitages. All of these are under the jurisdiction of some monastery, on whose land they are settled.
Although the solitary hermit, or anchorite, is still regarded as spiritually the highest form of the monastic vocation - and thanks to the greater austerity of his life one to whom visions and supernatural powers are most likely to be granted -- the communal life of the monastery has always been the dominant features of the Holy Mountain. Its history begins with the foundation of Mejísti Láwra, the first Great Monastery, by Saint Athanasios of Athos in the year 963. This was a Kinówion (i. e. shared life) institution under the rule of an abbot and living according to a definite rule. Further monasteries sprang up during the eleventh century, founded and protected by emperors and great men of the Byzantine Empire. In the twelfth century other monasteries were founded by each of the Slavonic countries newly converted to Christianity - Russia, Bulgaria and Serbia. Since then Athos has known periods of decline and periods of prosperity. The capture of Constantinople by the Crusaders in the thirteenth century brought a period of decline, while in the following century Byzantine and Serbian rulers vied with each other in generosity to the monasteries. Under the Turkish domination, after the capture of Chalkidike in 1430, the religious and economic independence of Mt. Athos was not in fact endangered, and the Sultans in fact generally confirmed the privileges of the monasteries. On the other hand monastic life during this period was endangered by a relaxation of discipline, and all of the twenty monasteries that still exist today underwent towards the end of the seventeenth century a reorganisation which severely prejudiced the character of their community life. Rich and poor monks, masters and servants were to be found in a single community; and in fact each monk decides his own way of life in a manner which is described as idiorhythmic.
It was not until the middle of the eighteenth century that a new period of prosperity began, and in the majority of monasteries today a properly cenobitic form of life is observed. This prosperity lasted, with a short period of Turkish occupation during the Greek War of Independence (1821-30) until the present century, when another period of decline has set in. The secularisation of the monasteries’ enormous lands in Rumania, Russia (Bessarabia and Georgia) and in Greece itself has meant great economic loss, but even more important has been the growing secularisation of life, which has meant a steep decline in numbers. Only during the most recent years has there been a slight improvement in the number of vocations.

This lies on the West coast of the peninsula between the Dochiaríou and Rossikó (Russian) monasteries, and its history has followed the ups and downs of the rest of the Athos settlement. It takes its name from that of the first abbot, Xenophon, and was founded about the year 1000 in honour of Saint George. Like other of the monasteries it benefited during the eleventh and twelfth centuries from many gifts and endowments from Byzantine emperors and noblemen. A period of decay after 1204 was followed in the fourteenth century by another age of prosperity for Xwnophontos. Towards the end of that century Slavonic influence became strong and from then until the eighteenth century the monastery received endowments from the Rumanian princes of Moldavia and Walachia, and the community consisted of Serbs and Bulgarians. At the beginning of the sixteenth century “idiorhythmic” patterns of life became common in Xenophontos; the monastery was in debt and numbers fell as low as only four monks in the year 1744. Forty years later debts were paid off and a proper community life reintroduced. Between 1809-19 a large new marble church was erected inside the monastery walls and this prosperity lasted into the present century, when the fall in numbers threatened the continuing existence of the monastery until, in 1976, the present abbot Alexios with a community of 20 young monks has set the community on a new upward path.

Bibliographical Notes:
- Franz Dölger: Mönchsland Athos (Munich 1943)
. Emmanuel Amand de Mendieta: La presqu’île des caloyers.
- Le Mont Athos (Bruges 1955)
On the Xenophontos Monastery:
- Louis Petit: Actes de l’Athos. I. Actes de Xenophon (St. Petersburg 1903. Reprinted Amsterdam 1964)

The Byzantine rite is used in the Athos monasteries, as throughout the whole Greek-speaking church and its missions in the Balkans, in Russia and in Georgia. This rite arose from an amalgamation of elements originating in Constantinople and in Palestine and assumed its final form in the late middle ages. The present record includes sections from the early morning rite - or órthros, corresponding to Matins and Lauds in the Western Church - for Easter. This Easter órthros has since the middle ages been the principal celebration of the Resurrection in the Byzantine rite, and the normal divisions of the órthros have been considerably reduced in number. The ceremony that remains can be divided into three main parts.
1. The introductory part takes place out of doors. The community processes once round the church, holding lighted tapers in their hands, and the celebrant then reads the gospel account of the empty tomb (Mark XVI, 1-8) in front of the main entrance. It is not hard to see the symbolism implied - the community standing in front of the empty church as the three Holy Women stood before the empty tomb. As it were in answer to the pronouncement of Christ’s resurrection the singing of the Easter tropárion follows, accompanied by a number of versicles from the psalms. This tropárion is repeated again and again and forms as it were the main theme of the festival. This introductory part of the ceremony ends with a number of intercessions (sinaptí).
2. The second part of the rite includes the kanón, a form of Byzantine church poetry dating from the seventh century and developed from nine biblical songs (Odes), between the last verses of each of which passages of devotional poetry are inserted. In time the biblical text came to be gradually reduced, so that in most cases (as in the present record) this hymn-like poetry stands alone. Each of these Odes consists of an irmós, or pattern verse, and a varying number of tropária, exactly corresponding in metrical structure to the irmós, which is repeated at the end. In the Easter órthros each ode is in addition followed by a threefold singing of the Easter tropárion and a short series of intercessions. The metrical system of the kanón, as of all Byzantine hymnology, is based on the alternation of accented and unaccented syllables and the pattern verses are free in form. It is determined very closely by the demands of the music, but the exact nature of this dependence has not yet really been established. According to tradition John of Damascus, who lived between 650 and 750 and is one of the most important of the Byzantine theologians, is the author of the Easter kanón, which is primarily a meditation on the events of Easter in relation to the biblical songs on which the Odes are based. Attributions of this kind are often no more than a matter of tradition, and historical study of the problem has hardly begun.
3. The chief element of the third part of the Easter órthros is provided by the Éni, or psalms for lauds (nos. 148-50). Here too the last verses of the biblical text alternate with a so-called stichirón, or hymn-verse. The psalm-verses for which there are no such stichirá are omitted in the Easter órthros, except for the first verses of psalm 148. It is characteristic of the Easter Lauds that the biblical text is, as it were, prolonged after the end of Psalm 150 by a number of verses chosen from other psalms. These verses provide the skeleton for the so~called Easter stichirá, five hymn-verses by an unknown author, which express the joyful character of the festival with great eloquence. The last of these stichirá leads back to the Easter tropárion.
According to the old rite the Easter stichirá are followed by the reading of the Easter Sermon “Let whoever is pious and loves God...” (for text see below). The liturgical use of this text was traditional as early as the eighth century, but there is little reason to believe the tradition that its author was John Chrysostom (about 350-407), the most famous preacher of the first Christian centuries. The sermon is following by the singing of the tropárion of St. John Chrysostom.
The órthros ends with another prayer of intercession and the dismissal of the congregation. Prime, the first of the so-called Little Hours, follows immediately.

Side 1
1. The liturgy opens with the distribution of tapers to the community and the procession from the church, which is in darkness. Meanwhile “Come, receive light from the light that knows no darkness” (mode V) and “Thy resurrection, Christ, Redeemer” (mode VI) are sung.
2. After the procession round the outside of the church the gospel passage relating the discovery of the empty tomb is read in front of the main entrance. This is followed by the first singing, antiphonally between priest and choir, of the Easter tropárion (mode V) “Christ is risen from the dead. Dying He destroyed death and gave life to those that are huried”. The sounding of bells and símandra gives symbolical expression to the joy of the whole creation at the Resurrection.
3. After a number of intercessory prayers the community enters the church, where in the meantime all tapers and oil-lamps have been lighted. The kanón (mode 1) now begins, after the 1st Ode (“O Day of resurrection! light be upon us, all ye nations”) has been begun even before the entrance into the church. Immediately after the Ode follows a short litany of intercession divided between priest and choir.
4. The 9th Ode (“Shine, shine, O New Jerusalem”) with its great interpolations (“Sing, my soul”) forms the end of the kanón and is particularly interesting musically. The intercessions following the Ode and the exapostiláirion have not been included in this recording.

Side 2
5. Immediately after the exapostilárion follow the Lauds psalms, with their poetic commentaries, and these form the climax of the final section of the liturgy. The opening verses and the four first hymn-verses (“We sing, O Christ, Thy saving Passion”) are in mode I. In complete contrast to these are the remaining five verses, the so-called Easter stichirá (“We have beheld today the holy passover”) with their interpolations (mode V). Their lively musical character perfectly matches the deep expressiveness of these texts, the last of which leads straight into the Easter tropárion, which is sung three times.
6. In accordance with the more ancient liturgical tradition the Easter stichirá are followed in this recording by the Easter Sermon “Let whoever is pious and loves God”. This is delivered in the emphatic manner reserved for classical texts of this rhetorical kind; and the dramatic effect is greatly increased by the community’s repeated affirmations, as they take up the first word of each of the series of phrases each of which begins with the same word. Immediately after the sermon the tropárion of Saint John Chrysostom is sung. The intercessions and the dismissal with which the morning ceremonies end have not been recorded here.
7. During the recitation of the Little Hours (Prime, Terce and Sext) bells and símandra are sounded to announce the celebration of the Mass, or Holy Liturgy, itself. The bells attached to the censer are also clearly audible. This recording does not include the exact repetition of the Easter hymns, of which the Little Hours consist during Easter Week.

It is not easy for any foreigner to visit Mount Athos, particularly at Easter. In order to avoid the interruption of the religious life of the community inseparable from any kind of large-scale tourism visitors are strictly limited and preference is given to those whose interest is scientific. A letter of introduction from the consulate is needed to obtain a temporary permit from the Ministry for Northern Greece and, after arriving in Karjés (where the Monasteries’ Council has its office), a special “Athos permit”. Only this permit will enable the visitor to obtain the further permission of the monastery of his choice. Through the kindly agency of Professor Tsamis, and after absolute assurance on our part that the recording would not in any way disturb the ceremonies, we received permission to 'visit the third of the monasteries on our list, Xenophontos. Our team was obliged to accustom itself to the community’s ascetic way of life, which meant primarily severe fasting (a single meal in the day, consisting of bread, olives and leeks, except on Good Friday and Holy Saturday, when the fast was absolute) and forty-seven hours out of the one hundred and twenty which we spent at the monastery, in church - mostly at night!
The renunciation of secular comforts (there is, for instance, no electricity on Mount Athos) is an essential element of monastic life there, and in the same way we scholars and scientists had no reason to neglect religious duties. All the community took an active part in the ceremonies. There was in fact, with the exception of a few Greek pilgrims, no “public” as such. It is only by adopting this ascetic way of life that one is led to realise how the magnificence of these liturgical ceremonies brings home the reality of the Resurrection.

In the classical music of Western Europe the highest importance is attached to the personal expression of the composer and to the polyphonic forms of “absolute” music. It is only in the liturgy as celebrated by the contemplative orders in the West that these considerations are of secondary importance, as they are in the music of the Orthodox Church. For the Orthodox Christian worship and its music are essentially a revelation of the divine, eternally valid and therefore repeatable, ceremonies outside the spheres of historical causality and our normal idea of time. This has been excellently put by Egon Wellesz in his “History of Byzantine Music and Hymnosfaphy” -

“The Byzantine conception of art is based on Platonic and Neoplatonic thought, adapted to Orthodox theology. According to this conception, the work of art belongs to the world of appearances. It is a projection of the Reality which is audible and visible only to the higher ranks of the Celestial Hierarchy. But through them ... the echo of Divine beauty is transmitted to the lower ranks, and from them to the prophets, the saints and the inspired artists, who in a state of elation paint an icon or compose a hymn”.

Like the church building itself, the symbolism of light, the icons and the words of the liturgy, music is an ancillary part of the rite, without existence in its own right. Outside this liturgical context it resembles a poem confined to mere verbal information.

Byzantine music consisted of an unaccompanied melodic line, handed down with the aid of neums after the eighth century. These neums consisted of graphic symbols (hooks, points, dashes), which underwent a number of changes but is still in use today. The deciphering of this notation is made doubly difficult by the fact that the last reformer of the system, Chrysanthos of Madytos, gave no exact specification of the changes which he introduced in 1821 resp. 1832. The system is certainly better suited to the Byzantine principles of composition better than is our linear system of notation, since the Byzantine composer worked with widely spanned arches of melody consisting of ornamental groups of notes.

All the instruments used during the Easter night celebrations belong to the same class, that of socalled idiophones. They are
1. church bells, sounded by striking;
2. símandra (símandron in the singular) - thin wooden bars and strips of metal, also sounded by striking. These are only played outside the church itself, and produce rhythms at two different pitches.
3. small bells attached to the censer and wooden balls hanging from the large candelabrum and the chorós, which is a metal band (c. 10 metres in diameter) surrounding the candelabrum and adorned with candles and icons. At the Resurrection ceremony both chorós and the candela-rum are set in motion, and since the candles attached to these provide the only light in the church, it seems as though the whole building were in circular motion.
Both the símandra (which were already in use before the year 1000) and the small bells attached to the censer may well be of pre-Christian origin. In almost every culture we find similar objects used as a kind of “magical noise” to ward off evil spirits and demons. They also form part as well as attributes with Siberian shamans and the High Priest in the Old Testament.

Byzantine musical theory divided the octave into 68 parts - a whole-tone representing 12, a three-quarter tone 9 and a semitone 7. By the system of the októechos scales themselves were divided into “modes” - four “authentic” and four “plagal” or derivative. In addition to this was a ninth, the legetos, a derivative of mode IV.
It must nevertheless be considered questionable whether this complicated system of intervals was really significant in performance, as it was modified by diacritical signs and the idea of élksis (dragging or trailing) comparable to “blue notes” in the performance of jazz.


At the present day the single melodic line that is actually notated is “accompanied” by an íson (drone-bass), which varies in pitch as the melody develops. “Accompaniment” is, however, a misleading word for what is in fact rather a tonal support and sonorous enrichment of the melody, and is determined simply by oral tradition. The melody itself is performed by the protopsáltis, or chief singer - in the present case generally Abbot Alexios. He stands with his choir on the right of the nave, while a second soloist with a smaller choir stands on the left of the nave and sings antiphonally with the protopsáltis, using rather less voice. This antiphonal singing is a basic principle of Byzantine music and determines the dynamic character of the interpretation as well as making spatial considerations part of the musical structure.
The quality of the vocal production is totally unlike our bel canto ideal. All the singer’s energy is concentrated within a narrowly defined range of overtones and this produces a harsh sound-quality. Such a method of singing is common throughout the Near East and makes considerable technical demands on the singer. The function is to sharpen the actual contours of the melodic line.
There are three styles of singing in Byzantine music and they derive from different relationships between words and music:
1. Irmológion style, in which there are one or two notes to each syllable;
2. Stichirárion style, in which there are three or four notes to each syllable;
3. Papadhikí style, in which long phrases (melismas) are sung on a single syllable.
To the Western listener the element of ornamentation may well seem excessive at a first hearing. But on closer acquaintance the perfectly balanced symmetry of the multifarious ornamentation, which enriches each strictly organised melodic passage - rather like a pearl necklace - soon makes nonsense of the old prejudice against monophonic music as being “monotonous”. Compared with the fullbodied and emotional singing in Russian Orthodox churches today this Greek style is holder and determined by the desire for clarity of melodic shape.

Literature
- E. Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, 2nd ed. Oxford 1961
- Byzantine Music and Liturgy, in: The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. IV. The Byzantine Empire, Part II, 2nd ed. Cambridge 1967, pp. 134-160

The authors wish to thank the Reverend Abbot Alexios and the community of the Xenophontos Monastery for their kind cooperation and hospitality.